January 26, 1986

1. That the IC, under the leadership of Healy and the WRP, has undergone a political, theoretical, moral and organizational degeneration.

2. During that time, the policies and perspectives of the IC have turned further and further away from Trotskyism. The theory of Permanent Revolution and revolutionary strategy and tactics were never developed in relationship to Vietnam, the Middle East, and other national liberation struggles, the degenerated workers’ states or the metropolitan capitalist countries.

3. The theoretical work of the IC, increasingly dominated by Healy’s subjective idealist and mystical version of philosophy, degenerated.

4. Increasingly, Healy’s decadent and anti-communist morality and anti-Bolshevik methods of organization affected both the WRP and IC. This gave rise to a bureaucratic conception of a centralized world organization under his control.

5. That the IC is neither the World Party nor even the nucleus of the World Party. That in 1966 the IC set itself the target of reorganizing and building the FI. Since then this has not been carried out.

6. That the perspectives, theory and organization of Trotskyism can only be elaborated in a fierce struggle against all aspects of Healyism.

7. That the degeneration of the IC under Healy cannot be separated from the problems suffered by the FI over the entire period of its existence. After the founding of the FI, the first devastating blow was the assassination of Trotsky. Then came the liquidation of the IEC during the war and its reconstruction under the leadership of the SWP. Under the impact of contradictory developments of the class struggle, particularly in the metropolitan capitalist countries after the war, one leadership after another capitulated: Haston, Pablo, the SWP leadership, Healy and the IC leadership.

8. This whole history of the FI must be gone over and reexamined. A discussion must take place in every section on all of these questions. Documents excluded from the seven volumes must be circulated.

9. That the IC sections, having carried out a thorough internal discussion, must as soon as possible initiate jointly a public discussion, issuing a joint statement for a discussion on the history and the tasks of the Fourth International, appealing to all those, all over the world, who are for the Transitional Program to take part.

10. That in line with the points made in five, the IC sections recognize that the IC cannot claim political authority as an international leadership. Neither can sections be subordinated to an international discipline determined by the IC. The task ahead is an international perspective to be elaborated in joint discussions, for the IC to lead the fight to elaborate such perspectives, in the course of a fight to establish a genuine center for building the Fourth International.

11. That since the IC has no political authority and is not a genuine international leadership, that it must acknowledge that the suspension of the British section was an organizational maneuver which it had no right to carry out, designed only to obscure the real issues arising out of the split with Healy and the class betrayal which the WRP and IC carried out under his leadership.

12. That we recognize that Security and the FI was a substitute for a real struggle against revisionism and for Trotskyist principles, that all evidence presented and conclusions drawn be reexamined together with material published by the American SWP or anybody else on this question. That such an investigation be carried out internally at this stage, including a full financial accounting.

13. That we recognize that the Gelfand case, while having revealed important facts about Sylvia Franklin, etc., has set an extremely damaging precedent in calling on the state to determine the membership of a working class political organization. That the IC strive to find a means to resolve this outside the courts, including an approach by the Workers League to the SWP.